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105th
congress
To see
the fit statistics for the 105th Congress click
here.
For
an explanation of the differences between the types of NOMINATE data
please
read this text file.
Format of W-NOMINATE scores
105th House W-NOMINATE Scores
(Text File -- Updated, 23 February 2001)
105th Senate W-NOMINATE Scores
(Text File -- Updated, 23 February 2001)
NOMINATE scores for other Congresses can be found on the
Nominate
Data download page.
Below
is a histogram of the 105th House. There is almost no overlap
between the two parties. Morella of Maryland is the left-most Republican
and she only has 4 Democrats -- Taylor of Mississippi, Goode of Virginia,
Traficant of Ohio, and Hall of Texas -- to her right.
Below is a histogram of the roll call cutpoints for the 105th
House. Similar to the 104th House (see below), the distribution
of cutpoints is skewed to the left indicating that on many roll calls
the Republicans were joined by substantial numbers of Democrats. However,
unlike the 104th House, there are now substantial numbers of
cutpoints within the Republican party (although not as many as within
the Democratic party) indicating that many moderate Republicans voted
with the Democrats on many roll calls.
Below
is a histogram of the 104th House. Note that the distribution
of cutpoints is skewed to the left reflecting the fact that the Republicans
in the 104th had the support of substantial numbers of moderate
Democrats on many roll calls (including many on the Contract With America).
Below
is a graph of the percent correct classifications from W-NOMINATE of the
House of Representatives since World War II. Houses 103-105 are the best
fitting since near the turn of the 20th Century.
Below
is a graph of the percent gain in classification due to the second dimension.
The second dimension, which was improving classification by 5 percent or
more in the late 1950s, is now inconsequential.
The
next six figures show the first and second dimension means for the political
parties in the House and Senate over the 1937 to 1998 period (75th
Congress through the 105th Congress). These are W-NOMINATE
coordinates adjusted so that the House and Senate coordinates are comparable.
(See Recovering
a Basic Space From a Set of Issue Scales for an explantion of how
these coordinates were produced.)
The two chambers are very similar in their patterns over time. In the
latter part of the New Deal voting on minimum wages (the Fair Labor Standards
Act) opened up a split between the northern and southern wings of the
Democratic party. During World War II, voting on issues related to the
right of Blacks to vote in federal elections exacerbated the split. This
split manifested itself as a second basic dimension in Congressional voting
that largely captured voting on Civil Rights related issues. However,
the split within the Democratic party also resulted in the Southern Democrats
becoming more conservative on the first basic left-right/liberal-conservative
dimension. (See
Congress: A Political-Economic History of Roll Call Voting,
Chapter 5 and
Income
Redistribution and the Realignment of American Politics (joint
with Nolan McCarty, 1997, AEI Press) for an explanation).
Southern Democrats move to the right in both chambers on the first (liberal-conservative)
dimension until just after the Civil Rights era of the mid to late 1960s
and then begin moving back to the left during the 1970s and 1980s. Republicans
shift to the left from the late 1940s and then reverse course after the
Civil Rights era. Republicans in both chambers have been moving to the
right since the late 1970s.
The gap between the Northern and Southern Democrats on the second dimension
begins to close after the passage of the Civil Rights legislation in the
1960s. By the late 1980s, as shown by the classification graphs above,
the gap had largely disappeared and was no longer of great importance.
Note that, because each member is assumed to have the same position throughout
his or her career, these shifts in the various party means are due to
replacement not conversion. The correlation between the chamber
means on the first dimension is .89 (see fifth graph) and the second dimension
.97 indicating that whatever forces are at work in American politics tend
to work on both chambers equally, regardless their very different constituencies,
terms, and internal rules and procedures. The corresponding correlations
for Republicans, Northern Democrats, and Southern Democrats for the first
dimension are .75, .82, and .74, respectively; and for the second dimension
they are .86, .87, and .90 respectively.

The graph below shows that the chamber means of the House and Senate on
the first basic dimension track one another fairly closely (note that
the vertical scale of this graph is different than the two above). The
Senate mean is to the left of the House mean during the 1960s and 1970s
but before and after the roles reverse. Viewed over a long period of time,
there is no pat answer to the question: "is the Senate more liberal than
the House." It depends upon the time period.
The graph below shows the locations of Presidents Eisenhower to Clinton
along with the chamber means of the House and Senate on the first basic
dimension (note that the vertical and horizontal scales of this
graph are different than the three above). The Presidents are scaled by
using their announced positions on CQ's Presidential Support Roll Calls.
Hence, they are treated as members of both the House and Senate
albeit members who "miss" a lot of roll call votes.
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